East-West Center Special Reports

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/10125/1707

Special Reports is a series produced by the staff and visiting fellows of the Special projects unit of the East-West Center. The series focuses on timely, critical issues concerning the United States, Asia, and the Pacific and is intended for a wide audience of those who make or influence policy decisions throughout the region.

The East-West Center ScholarSpace community contains digital versions of just some of the several thousand books, periodicals, and unpublished papers generated by the Center over the past 50 years. Find a complete list of recent East-West Center publications and learn how to obtain them at EastWestCenter.org/publications . Search for recent and older works from 1960 - present using the Center's library catalog at EastWestCenter.org/riscatalog.

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Confucianism defies the computer : the conflict within the Korean press
(Honolulu, HI : East-West Center, 1992) Halvorsen, David E.
This special report is one of a series produced by the staff and visiting fellows of the Special projects unit of the East-West Center. The series focuses on timely, critical issues concerning the united states, Asia, and the Pacific and is intended for a wide audience of those who make or influence policy decisions throughout the region.
Chrysanthemum and sword revisited : Is Japanese militarism resurgent?
(Honolulu, HI : Special Projects, East-West Center, 1991) Halloran, Richard
Reform or revolution? : the Aquino government and prospects for the Philippines
(Honolulu, HI : East-West Center, 1991) Richburg, Keith B.
Correspondents give their views on Japan-U.S. news coverage : survey of foreign correspondents based in Tokyo and Washington, D.C.
(Honolulu, HI : East-West Center, 1990) Hewett, Robert B.
Includes names and press affiliations of correspondents participating in the survey.
Porpoises among the whales : small navies in Asia and the Pacific
(Honolulu : East-West Center, 1994-03) Morgan, Joseph R.
The Asia-Pacific airline industry : economic boom and political conflict
(Honolulu : East-West Center, 1995-10) La Croix, Sumner J.; Wolff, David Jonathan
High rates of economic growth in Asia are spurring the rapid expansion of commercial aviation industries serving Asia and the Pacific. The number of passengers carried across the Pacific increased at an annual rate of 8.6 percent during 1982-92, compared with 5.4 percent on all other routes. And with 16 of the world’s 25 busiest air routes, Asia’s major airports are already near capacity. The region will soon account for the world’s largest increase in aircraft purchasing, maintenance, and repair, generating tremendous revenues for firms that service the industry.Although many Asia-Pacific nations are benefiting form the boom in air traffic, the continued expansion threatens the framework of bilateral agreements that have governed Asia-Pacific aviation since the end of World War II. Growth in the number of passengers, airlines, and routes has stimulated competition and intensified aviation disputes, thereby increasing tensions in the international relations of the region. Potentially, such tensions could fuel increased protectionism.The United States has been actively campaigning for countries in Asia to adopt an "Open Skies" regime that would allow free international trade in airline services. Although liberalization would have positive effects, such as lower fares and more efficient airline management, some Asian governments worry that it could also lead to predatory pricing, a retreat from low-demand routes, and a tendency toward oligopoly. And many Asian airlines, which owe their profitability in part to restrictive bilateral treaties, are partially government-owned; therefore, governments may be reluctant to adopt new competitive arrangements that eliminate or reduce these profits.Although free trade is usually superior to protected trade, it also generates losers – countries whose national airlines would shrink or even disappear in a liberalized regime. Unless losing countries receive some compensation, they are unlikely to support a free-trade regime. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Working Group on Transportation could provide a forum for the formulation and discussion of new policies for international cooperation in aviation throughout the Asia-Pacific region.
Intruding on the Hermit : glimpses of North Korea
(Honolulu : East-West Center, 1993) Martin, Bradley K.
"Based on three visits to North Korea by an American journalist between 1979 and 1992, this report highlights changes from the 1970s, when the North had much to boast about in its comparative level of economic development, to the 1990s when communism's failure at home and abroad have placed the regime in desperate straits."
Democratic transition in Asia : the role of the international community
(Honolulu : East-West Center, 1994-10) Alagappa, Muthiah
The development crisis in Vietnam's mountains
(Honolulu, HI: East-West Center, 1998-11) Jamieson, Neil L.; Cuc, Le Trong; Rambo, A. Terry
The popular image of a Vietnamese landscape is that of a verdant plain checkered by rice paddies. But most of the country is actually hilly and mountainous, and a third of Vietnamese people live in upland areas. Fifty years ago, the lowlands were teeming and the mountains sparsely inhabited. Since then, rapid population growth, driven by both natural increases and national resettlement programs, has brought about drastic changes in the uplands. Poverty, population growth, environmental degradation, social marginalization, and economic dependency are now interacting to create a downward spiral that is currently reaching crisis proportions, both socially and environmentally. The significance of this crisis is overlooked because current thinking about the uplands is based on a number of popular misconceptions. Among these is the belief that the uplands are remote, empty, and exotic-certainly not central to national development. What happens there, however, has serious ramifications extending to the whole nation, and beyond it to other mountainous regions in Southeast Asia and Southwest China. Environmental degradation, the loss of biological diversity, the deterioration of watersheds and the marginalization of ethnic minorities are just some of the problems occurring in Vietnam's uplands and throughout this vast mountain region. Well-intentioned national and international efforts to ameliorate the problems have produced only very modest results. In some cases they have worsened the situation. For despite the enormous changes in the size and nature of Vietnam's upland population, a "lowland" perspective continues to dominate national life. Indeed, the imposition of lowland models upon upland realities is a major determinant of the crisis. When these simplistic and distorted views of mountain life shape development planning, they contribute to the downward spiral in which so many upland people are now caught. Thus, the spiral cannot be reversed without reform of the powerful underlying structures of knowledge, power, social organization, and economy that control the direction of development. A crucial step is to challenge the conventional wisdom that shapes development models and replace it with new approaches based on critical observation and analysis. The success or failure of efforts to develop the uplands are of critical significance to the achievement of national development goals. Unless the current downward spiral can be reversed, the future well-being of the whole country is at serious risk.
Environmental problems in China : estimates of economic costs
(Honolulu, HI: East-West Center, 1996-04) Smil, Vaclav
Today's China experiences every imaginable environmental problem, yet its capacity to deal with these challenges is limited. China's poor oil and gas resources mean that its industries and services still overwhelmingly rely on coal, an inefficient fuel and a major polluter. Moreover, it has extensive areas of badly damaged ecosystems. And, like other countries in the early stages of rapid industrial development, China has been slow to allocate capital for environmental management. These facts, together with China's huge population and ambitious development aspirations, make it the world's most worrisome case of environmental degradation, with global repercussions. The annual cost of China's environmental pollution and degradation is probably at least 10 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) and may well be as high as 15 percent. But China has been spending far less on environmental protection and management than even the 1.5 percent of GDP recommended by the country's leading environmental experts. The effects of pollution and environmental degradation are everywhere. Chronic lung diseases aggravated by air pollution accounted for approximately 25 percent of all deaths in the late 1980s. In only 6 of China's 27 largest cities is drinking water quality within state standards. Contamination of crops by polluted water endangers health and reduces opportunities for export of products. And the loss of arable land to urban encroachment and soil erosion means that, by the year 2000, Bangladesh and Egypt will be the only two populous nations with less arable land per capita than China. If China were to consume resources at the level of South Korea or Taiwan and import crude oil and grain at rates comparable to those of other rapidly growing East Asian economies, it would need more energy and more cereals than are currently available on the world market. Securing the largest possible share of its energy and food needs from domestic sources will be important not only for China's economic progress but also for global stability. Such a strategy can succeed, however, only when China uses its resources efficiently and makes protection of the environment, and a gradual shift to more sustainable ways of running its economy, a matter of high priority.
Innovation offshoring : Asia's emerging role in global innovation networks
(Honolulu : East-West Center, 2006) Ernst, Dieter
Most analysts agree that critical ingredients for economic growth, competitiveness, and welfare in the United States have been policies that encourage strong investment in research and development (R&D) and innovation. In addition, there is a general perception that technological innovation must be based in the United States to remain a pillar of the American economy. Over the past decade, however, the rise of Asia as an important location for "innovation offshoring" has begun to challenge these familiar notions. Based on original research, this report demonstrates that innovation offshoring is driven by profound changes in corporate innovation management as well as by the globalization of markets for technology and knowledge workers. U.S. companies are at the forefront of this trend, but Asian governments and firms are playing an increasingly active role as promoters and new sources of innovation. Innovation offshoring has created a competitive challenge of historic proportions for the United States, requiring the nation to respond with a new national strategy. This report recommends that such a strategy include the following elements: 1. Improve access to and collection of innovation-related data to inform the national policy debate; 2. Address "home-made" causes of innovation offshoring by sustaining and building upon existing strengths of the U.S. innovation system; 3. Support corporate innovation by (1) providing tax incentives to spur early-state investments in innovation start-ups and (2) reforming the U.S. patent system so it is more accessible to smaller inventors and innovators; and 4. Upgrade the U.S. talent pool of knowledge workers by (1) providing incentives to study science and engineering, (2) encouraging the development of management, interpretive, cross-cultural, and other "soft" capabilities, and (3) encouraging immigration of highly skilled workers.
The two Koreas : prospects for economic cooperation and integration
(Honolulu: East-West Center, 2000) Noland, Marcus
After nearly a half century of strident adherence to the principles of socialism and self-reliance, North Korea may be on the verge of opening itself to outside aid and advice. Motivators include a decade of economic trouble punctuated by declining output and famine as well as underdeveloped infrastructures and reduction in foreign trade and material support. The limits of national self-sufficiency may finally have become admissible in North Korea, as evidenced by recent diplomatic negotiations and cooperative commercial projects with capitalist nations. South Korea, meanwhile, is struggling to regain ground lost in the financial crisis and to correct faults in its own political and economic systems. Among these is a history of military dictatorships and extensive government involvement in economic planning. Free elections supplanted the dictatorships in 1987, and South Koreans subsequently have had the benefit of an increasingly open political forum. As for government involvement in the economy, there has been a slow but steady disengagement over the last two decades in favor of market-driven controls, although the trend may have abated recently due to the uncertainties accompanying progress toward reconciliation. Hindrances to further progress include North Korea's reliance on military exports for revenue and its reluctance to accept "capitalist" aid. Free exchange of information and reliable indications of intent are still the exception to the rule in North Korea. Ideological volatility in both nations presents another obstacle. Each involved nation has a vital interest in peaceful, expanded relations, but competing ideologies and old animosities must be overcome in the interest of mutual advancement. Surprisingly, current prospects for reconciliation, and perhaps reunification of the two Koreas, seem better than ever. This can be attributed in part to new leadership in both nations. South Korean President Kim Dae-jung has called for peaceful coexistence. He also has supported the provision of aid and establishment of diverse bilateral economic projects. North Korean President Kim Jong-il seems to have been accepted by party leaders, the military, and the citizenry. In this more stable environment, denunciations of non-socialist nations have lessened, both from Kim and the North Korean media. Kim has also overseen the normalization of relations with other nations, while North Korea's foreign minister has said his nation could consider a "one country, two systems" model similar to Hong Kong and China. In this light, South Korea's investment strategy should emphasize tax incentives rather than state-directed investment in the North to assure that efficiency guides decision-making. Further progress will be best served if North Korea allows expansion and diversification of cooperative projects, now few and tightly controlled; the ideal would be free investment throughout the North by South Korean firms. About the Author Marcus Noland is a senior fellow at the Institute for International Economics and an associate of the International Food Policy Research Institute. He was a senior economist at the Council of Economic Advisers in the Executive Office of the President of the United States, and has held research, teaching, or fellowship positions at the Johns Hopkins University, the University of Southern California, Tokyo University, Saitama University, the University of Ghana, the Korea Development Institute, and the East-West Center (where he was a POSCO fellow). His previous works include three published by the Institute for International Economics: Avoiding The Apocalypse: The Future of the Two Koreas (2000), Economic Integration of the Korean Peninsula, ed. (1998), and Global Effects of the Asian Currency Devaluations, with Liu et al. (1998).
Shifting terrain : the domestic politics of the U.S. military presence in Asia
(Honolulu: East-West Center, 2006) Smith, Sheila A.
The United States has maintained military forces in the Asia Pacific region since the end of World War II and its alliances with key countries in the region continue today to be seen as critical to regional peace and stability. Academic and policy attention has focused on the shifting regional balance of power or the new sources of instability in the region, yet a parallel story has gone largely untold. Complex social and political changes in the countries that have hosted U.S. forces are changing the way governments in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines manage the American troops stationed in their countries. As the U.S. government seeks to transform its global military presence, and as the process of realigning America's overseas military forces proceeds, Washington must consider these new domestic influences on governments that host U.S. forces. Broad public support in these societies for a shared security agenda will be the foundation for future alliance cooperation. But Washington, Tokyo, Seoul, and Manila must give greater attention to the local impacts of U.S. forces and develop policies that mitigate the pressures on local residents. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, to be successful new initiatives for managing the presence of American forces in each of these societies will need to conform to domestic law and meet public expectations for government accountability. National governments in Asia's democracies must balance their national security goals with these new norms of democratic practice. Download PDF files:Summary / IntroductionHigh resolution map of AsiaAlliance Management and Domestic ProtestThe Continuing Echoes of Compromised SovereigntyHigh resolution map of Okinawa and South KoreaNational Policy with Local ImpactSocial Change and New Citizen VoicesHigh resolution map of the PhilippinesAsia's Citizens and America's Soldiers: Policy Intersections on the GroundLooking AheadEndnotes / Selected Bibliography / Author Information
Indifference and accountability : the United Nations and the politics of international justice in East Timor
(Honolulu: East-West Center, 2006) Cohen, David
The goals of this report are fourfold: (1) to provide an overall assessment of the "hybrid" UN sponsored Serious Crimes process in east Timor; (2) to analyze the performance of the various structural components of that process; (3) to examine the legacy of the Serious Crimes enterprise; and (4) to discuss the lessons to be learned from the five-year experience of the United Nations in seeking justice for the people of East Timor. The report's conclusions are based upon a comprehensive and detailed analysis of a number of key areas and a full assessment of the jurisprudence of the trials. It draws heavily upon hundreds of hours of interviews with key participants in every aspect of the Serious Crimes process. The report demonstrates that, on the whole, the process was so deeply flawed from the beginning that, despite the important and successful efforts of key individuals to make structural improvements, egregious problems remained until the very end. These problems are serious enough to at least call into question whether important aspects of the process as a whole met international standards. Further, an analysis of the impact of these problems upon trial and appellate proceedings and Judgments provides substantive grounds for questioning the basic fairness of a significant number of the Serious Crimes trials, the adequacy of the appeals process, and, hence, the legitimacy of some of the ensuing convictions. One of the questions this report addresses is why this state of affairs was allowed to persist for so long. This is a question that must be answered if the "lessons learned" from East Timor are to be a guide for future tribunals and for the UN in its ongoing role of administering international judicial institutions. Contents Summary / Introduction Part One The Serious Crimes Trials in East Timor: An Overview Part Two Policies, Resources, Problems, and Responses Part Three Judgments and Jurisprudence: The Serious Crimes Trials and Appeals Part Four The Future of the Serious Crimes Process Part Five Conclusions and 'Lessons Learned' Appendix: The Examination for Timorese Judges Acknowledgments / Author Information

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